The Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), initially a fringe religious group, has emerged as a significant political force in Pakistan, challenging and at times overcoming the traditional power structures of the military, Government, and judiciary. TLP has managed to exert influence over these institutions, often through a combination of religious fervour, political manoeuvring, and public mobilization because it has evolved as a key instrument for the Pakistani Government and military.
The TLP’s rise to prominence can be traced back to its formation in 2015 , primarily as a response to perceived threats against Islamic laws in Pakistan. This issue resonated with a segment of the population, providing TLP with a base for mobilization. Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) was founded under the leadership of Khadim Hussain Rizvi. The party emerged primarily as a response to the execution of Mumtaz Qadri, the assassin of Punjab Governor Salman Taseer who openly cites Pakistan’s blasphemy laws as black laws and extended support for a Christian woman named Asia Bibi who was accused of blasphemy in 2009. TLP quickly gained attention for its strong stance on defending Pakistan’s blasphemy laws and its ability to mobilize large numbers of supporters through its religious rhetoric and organized protests. Khadim Hussain Rizvi, focusing on issues related to blasphemy and the protection of religious sanctities. Its initial forays into politics were marked by protests over changes to the oath of office for elected officials, which they believed compromised the finality of prophethood in Islam.
The Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) has proven its ability to significantly impact the political landscape of Pakistan through a series of strategically executed protests that consistently led to Government concessions. Since its inception, TLP has staged seven major protests, each time successfully forcing the government into verbal or written agreements, despite being a banned outfit. From the November 2017 Islamabad sit-in that resulted in the resignation of the law minister Zahid Hamid to the violent demonstrations over the acquittal of Asia Bibi in 2018, TLP has effectively used street power to influence national policy. Even when faced with crackdowns, such as the April 2021 protests following the arrest of TLP leader Saad Rizvi for demanding to expel France ambassador for blasphemous caricatures published in France and for insisting Pakistan for downgrading ties with France. However, after this protest the federal government banned the TLP under the anti-terrorism law. The group managed to negotiate its demands, demonstrating its resilience and influence. A few days later, the Government reached an agreement with the group, which was fully implemented, leading to a parliamentary resolution to debate the French ambassador’s expulsion.
On August 19, thousands of supporters from various religious-political groups, led by Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), breached security in Islamabad’s ‘Red Zone’ to protest outside the Supreme Court of Pakistan (SCP). Their anger was directed at the SCP’s judgment in the Mubarik Ahmad Sani case, where the court ruled, that Ahmadis are entitled to practice their faith privately, subject to reasonable legal restrictions. TLP and other Sunni radical groups demanded the federal government file a reference against the three judges, including Chief Justice Qazi Faez Isa, accusing them of “siding with Ahmadis.
” They even filed review petitions to overturn Mubarik Sani’s bail. However, the federal government’s appeal to expunge ‘controversial paragraphs’ from the SCP’s previous order helped diffuse the tensions against the judges.
The influence of TLP on Pakistan’s judiciary is becoming increasingly evident. Supreme Court Justice Qazi Faez Isa’s ruling on the military’s involvement in anti-government protests and the subsequent legal challenges highlight the judiciary’s delicate position under TLP’s pressure. The recent reversal in the Mubarik Sani case, made in response to explicit threats from TLP, underscores the group’s power to sway legal decisions and influence judicial proceedings through its aggressive mobilization and activism.
Despite being banned for its violent protests, TLP has managed to re-emerge, indicating its deep roots within certain societal segments. This resilience showcases not just its popular support but also the Government’s reluctance or inability to fully suppress it due to the group’s religious narrative. This rise has presented a direct challenge to Pakistan’s democratic institutions, particularly in how the Government, judiciary, and law enforcement agencies respond to TLP’s demands and actions. The party’s frequent and large-scale protests have disrupted the functioning of the state, forcing the government to negotiate and often concede to TLP’s demands, thus undermining the authority and decision-making power of elected officials. The deployment of security forces, including Rangers, to manage TLP protests has become a regular occurrence, reflecting the severity of the threat posed by the group. The reluctance to take decisive action against TLP, likely due to the fear of triggering even larger unrest, has only strengthened the group’s position.
The military, traditionally seen as ultimate anything in Pakistan, has faced indirect challenges through TLP’s actions. While direct confrontations are rare, the military’s involvement in dispersing TLP protests or negotiating with them indicates a shift in dynamics. Judicial system had scrutinized the Government and the army for the contentious role the military assumed as a mediator in the agreement to end the sit-in at 2017’s Faizabad Interchange involving Tehreek. The court expressed concerns over the military’s role, highlighting that the army’s engagement surpassed its constitutional boundaries and legal mandate.
The court’s written order emphasized that the armed forces, as part of the executive branch, should adhere strictly to the laws stipulated by the country’s constitution. In this particular case, Maj Gen Faiz Hameed of the Inter-Services Intelligence also signed the agreement in the capacity of ‘guarantor’ . Even though, the efforts of Gen Qamar Jawed Bajwa, Chief of Army Staff, had been acknowledged in the agreement in the last. Even army officials paid money to protestors to return back to their homes.
The TLP’s influence over Pakistan’s military, Government, and judiciary is not just about physical confrontations but also about ideological warfare. By positioning itself as the guardian of Islamic values, TLP has managed to create a narrative where opposition to its demands can be framed as opposition to Islam itself. This strategy, combined with strategic political manoeuvres and public mobilization, has allowed TLP to exert influence far beyond what its electoral strength might suggest, challenging the very fabric of Pakistan’s governance and security structures. The ongoing dynamics between TLP and state institutions continue to evolve, reflecting broader tensions within Pakistani society over religion, governance, and the rule of law.
The Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) may seem like an independent religious-political force, but in reality, it operates as the hidden hand of the Pakistani Government and military. Officially, the state cannot openly endorse extreme stances on issues like blasphemy laws due to international scrutiny and the need to maintain a veneer of moderation. However, TLP, which originated specifically as a protector of Islam, effectively accomplishes these tasks on their behalf, allowing the government and military to distance themselves publicly while benefiting from the outcomes.
(The author is Editor, Global Strategic & Defence News )
